parresia

Contra Mundum

An all too-common, insidious fallacy.

I had long believed that St. Athanasius (born c. 298 A.D.) was in a small minority, defending Christian orthodoxy against a church that had, by and large, fallen prey to Arian Christology. I had believed it in part from what I understood to be Athanasius' given moniker "Athanasius Contra Mundum" (Athanasius Against the World). I remember hearing stories describing Athanasius valiantly defending Christian doctrine amidst throngs of angry, powerful Arians who would only slowly be reconciled to Athansius' words. But alas! The Holy Spirit brings clarity in many ways-- my Sweetness took issue with me-- she insisted that my notion was bunk. So I read.

What a joy to read Schaff, a Protestant mind you, retelling the events prior to Nicaea-- ellucidating a history revealing not a "lone Athanasius" holding down the fort, but rather an entire council (well over 200 bishops) dedicated to passing on the faith handed down to them from their predeccessors-- alas, my Sweetness was right! The Church had not fallen prey on any large scale to the Arian Heresy.

Below is a good portion of Schaff's account of the events comprising the Arian heresy. I have edited out certain parts merely for the ease of reading in such a format as Blogger. If one finds not the time to read the entire account, I have written small summaries (headings if you will) before key paragraphs. All italics my own; Enjoy.

§2. The Arian Controversy Before Nicaea, 319-325.

Arius taught that Christ was a created being; Christ was not eternal-- basically he denied the Trinity as we understand it today.

...Two great streams of theological influence had run their course in the third century: the subordinationist theology of Origen at Alexandria, the Monarchian theology of the West and of Asia which had found a logical expression in Paul of Samosata. Both streams had met in Lucian the martyr, at Antioch, and in Arius, the pupil of Lucian, produced a result which combined elements of both (see below, (2) a). According to some authorities Arius was the aggressor. He challenged some theological statements of Alexander as Sabellian, urging in opposition to them that if the Son were truly a Son He must have had a beginning, and that there had been therefore a time when He did not exist. According to others (Constantine in Eus. Vit. ii. 69) Alexander had demanded of his presbyters an explanation of some passage of Scripture which had led Arius to broach his heresy. At any rate the attitude of Alexander was at first conciliatory. Himself an Origenist, he was willing to give Arius a fair hearing (Sozom. ubi supra). But the latter was impracticable.

Arius' idea gains some support. It seems here we have approximately thirteen clergy, and 50-100(?) lay people.

He began to canvass for support, and his doctrine was widely accepted. Among his first partisans were a number of lay people and virgins, five presbyters of Alexandria, six deacons, including Euzoius, afterwards Arian bishop at Antioch (a.d. 361), and the Libyan bishops Secundus of Ptolemais in Pentapolis (see p. 226) and Theonas of Marmarica (see p. 70).

Orthodox clergy in Alexandria hold a synod in attempt to nip in the bud this growing Arian Heresy. The synod was not exactly successful. Meanwhile Arius and his right-hand man Eusebius turn to marketing their belief by sending letters to all the important Bishops of the church. Arius is supported by some of them, but not as many as Arius claims: Arius himself claimed nearly all of the Eastern Bishops to be "on his side." But we know this was far from true (see Council at Nicaea). In truth, if all the persons who sided with Arius were added up it seems there would be perhaps 300 to 400 persons max. Compared with the thousands of Christians living at the time, it is difficult to see Athanasius "against the world."

A letter was addressed to Arius and his friends by Alexander, and signed by the clergy of Alexandria, but without result. A synod was now called (infr. p. 70,Socr. i. 6) of the bishops of Egypt and Libya, and Arius a d his allies deposed. Even this did not check the movement. In Egypt two presbyters and for deacons of the Mareotis, one of the former being Pistus, a later Arian bishop of Alexandria, declared for Arius; while abroad he was in correspondence with influential bishops who cordially promised their support. Conspicuous among the latter was a man of whom we shall hear much in the earlier treatises of this volume, Eusebius, bishop of Berytus, who had recently, against the older custom of the Church (p. 103, note 6), but in accordance with what has ever since been general in the case of important sees, been translated to the imperial city of Nicomedia. High in the favour, perhaps related to the family, of Constantine, possessed of theological training and practical ability, this remarkable man was for nearly a quarter of a century the head and centre of the Arian cause. (For his character and history, see the excellent article in D.C.B. ii. 360-367.) He had been a fellow-pupil of Arius in the school of Lucian, and fully shared his opinions (his letter to Paulinus of Tyre, Thdt. H. E. i. 6). The letter addressed to him by Arius (ib. 5) is one of our most important Arian monuments. Arius claims the sympathy of Eusebius of Caesarea and other leading bishops, in fact of all the East excepting Macarius of Jerusalem and two others, `heretical and untutored persons.' Eusebius responded with zeal to the appeal of his `fellow-Lucianist.' While Alexander was indefatigable in writing to warn the bishops everywhere against Arius (who had now left Alexandria to seek foreign support, first in Palestine, then at Nicomedia), and in particular addressed a long letter to Alexander, bishop of Byzantium (Thdt. H. E. i. 4), Eusebius called a council at Nicomedia, which issued letters in favour of Arius to many bishops, and urged Alexander himself to receive him to communion.

The Council of Nicaea is called.

Early in 324 a new actor came upon the scene. Hosius, bishop of Cordova and confessor (he is referred to, not by name, Vit. Const. ii. 63, 73, cf. iii. 7, o panu bowmenoj; by name, Socr. i. 7), arrived with a letter from the Emperor himself, intreating both parties to make peace, and treating the matter as one of trivial moment. The letter may have been written upon information furnished by Eusebius (D.C.B.s.v.); but the anxiety of the Emperor for the peace of his new dominions is its keynote. On the arrival of Hosius a council (p. 140) was held, which produced little effect as far as the main question was concerned: but the claims of Colluthus were absolutely disallowed, and his ordination of one Ischyras (infr. ) to the presbyterate pronounced null and void. Hosius apparently carried back with him a strong report in favour of Alexander; at any rate the Emperor is credited (Gelas. Cyz. ii., Hard. Conc. i. 451-458) with a vehement letter of rebuke to Arius, possibly at this juncture. Such was the state of affairs which led to the imperial resolve, probably at the suggestion of Hosius, to summon a council of bishops from the whole world to decide the doctrinal question, as well as the relatively lesser matters in controversy.

We see that the Arian "party" was all of 17 Bishops present at Nicaea.

The council lasted from the end of May till Aug. 25 (see D.C.A., 1389). With the many picturesque stories told of its incidents we have nothing to do (Stanley's Eastern Church, Socr. i. 10-12, Soz. i. 17, 18, Rufin. H.E. i. 3-5); but it may be well to note the division of parties. (1) Of thoroughgoing partisans of Arius, Secundus and Theonas alone scorned all compromise. But Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis, Bishop of Nicaea itself, and Maris of Chalcedon, also belonged to the inner circle of Arians by conviction (Socr. i. 8; Soz. i. 21 makes up the same number, but wrongly). The three last-named were pupils of Lucian (Philost. ii. 15). Some twelve others (the chief names are Athanasius of Anazarbus and Narcissus of Neronias, in Cilicia; Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Aetius of Lydda, Paulinus of Tyre, Theodotus of Laodicea, Gregory of Berytus, in Syria and Palestine; Menophantus of Ephesus; for a fuller discussion see Gwatk. p. 31, n. 3) completed the strength of the Arian party proper.

We see the numbers of those who strongly disagree with Arius to be near 30!

(2) On the other hand a clearly formulated doctrinal position in contrast to Arianism was taken up by a minority only, although this minority carried the day. Alexander of Alexandria of course was the rallying point of this wing, but the choice of the formula proceeded from other minds.
The test formula of Nicaea was the work of two concurrent influences, that of the anti-Origenists of the East, especially Marcellus of Ancyra, Eustathius of Antioch, supported by Macarius of `Aelia,' Hellanicus of Tripolis, and Asclepas of Gaza, and that of the Western bishops, especially Hosius of Cordova. The latter fact explains the energetic intervention of Constantine at the critical moment on behalf of the test (see below, and Ep. Eus. p. 75); the word was commended to the Fathers by Constantine, but Constantine was `prompted' by Hosius (Harnack, Dogmg. ii. 226); outoj thn Nikaia pioton ecqeto (infr. p. 285, ). Alexander (the Origenist) had been prepared for this by Hosius beforehand (Soc. iii. 7; Philost. i. 7; cf. Zahn Marcell. p. 23, and Harnack's important note, p.229). Least of all was Athanasius the author of the omoousion; his whole attitude toward the famous test (infr. p. 303) is that of loyal acceptance and assimilation rather than of native inward affinity. `He was moulded by the Nicene Creed, did not mould it himself' (Loofs, p. 134). The theological keynote of the council was struck by a small minority; Eustathius, Marcellus, perhaps Macarius, and the Westerns, above all Hosius; the numbers were doubtless contributed by the Egyptian bishops who had condemned Arius in 321. The signatures, which seem partly incorrect, preserve a list of about 20. The party then which rallied round Alexander in formal opposition to the Arians may be put down at over thirty. `The men who best understood Arianism were most decided on the necessity of its formal condemnation.' (Gwatkin.)

So far we see, Arius: 17; Athanasius: 30. We now see, what I find to be the most inspirational and ironic fact of the Council: Schaff calls them the "conservatives." These conservatives for all intents and purposes were men of God who knew little, if anything of the Arian Heresy-- certainly the majority of them were ignorant of Arianism's real threat to orthodoxy. These were men of God, "who wished for nothing more than that they might hand on to those who came after them the faith they had received at baptism, and had learned from their predecessors." What amazing truth, and glorious words! So Simple, yet so profound their faith!

To this compact and determined group the result of the council was due, and in their struggle they owed much-how much it is hard to determine-to the energy and eloquence of the deacon Athanasius, who had accompanied his bishop to the council as an indispensable companion (infr. p. 103; Soz. i. 17 fin.). (3) Between the convinced Arians and their reasoned opponents lay the great mass of the bishops, 200 and more, nearly all from Syria and Asia Minor, who wished for nothing more than that they might hand on to those who came after them the faith they had received at baptism, and had learned from their predecessors. These were the `conservatives' or middle party, composed of all those who, for whatever reason, while untainted with Arianism, yet either failed to feel its urgent danger to the Church, or else to hold steadily in view the necessity of an adequate test if it was to be banished. Simple shepherds like Spyridion of Cyprus; men of the world who were more interested in their libelli than in the magnitude of the doctrinal issue; theologians, a. numerous class, `who on the basis of half-understood Origenist ideas were prepared to recognise in Christ only the Mediator appointed (no doubt before all ages) between God and the World' (Zahn Marc. p. 30); men who in the best of faith yet failed from lack of intellectual clearsightedness to grasp the question for themselves; a few, possibly, who were inclined to think that Arius was hardly used and might be right after all; such were the main elements which made up the mass of the council, and upon whose indefiniteness, sympathy, or unwillingness to impose any effective test, the Arian party based their hopes at any rate of toleration. Spokesman and leader of the middle party was the most learned Churchman of the age, Eusebius of Caesarea. A devoted admirer of Origen, but independent of the school of Lucian, he had, during the early stages of the controversy, thrown his weight on the side of toleration for Arius. He had himself used compromising language, and in his letter to the Caesarean Church (infra, p. 76 sq.) does so again. But equally strong language can be cited from him on the other side, and belonging as he does properly to the pre-Nicene age, it is highly invidious to make the most of his Arianising passages, and, ignoring or explaining away those on the other side, and depreciating his splendid and lasting services to Christian learning, to class him summarily with his namesake of Nicotnedia. (See Prolegg. to vol. 1 of this series, and above all the article in D.C.B.) The fact however remains, that Eusebius gave something more than moral support to the Arians. He was `neither a great man nor a clear thinker' (Gwatkin); his own theology was hazy and involved; as an Origenist, his main dread was of Monarchianism, and his policy in the council was to stave off at least such a condemnation of Arianism as should open the door to `confounding the Persons.' Eusebius apparently represents, therefore, the `left wing,' or the last mentioned, of the `conservative' elements in the council (supra, and Gwatkin, p. 38); but his learning, age, position, and the ascendency of Origenist Theology in the East, marked him out as the leader of the whole.
But the `conservatism' of the great mass of bishops rejected Arianism more promptly than had been expected by its adherents or patrons.

Glory be to God, that out of the some 250 Bishops present at the Great Council of Nicaea, only 17 supported Arius' claim, and only 2 were adamant enough to withold signing.

The real work of the council did not begin at once. The way was blocked by innumerable applications the Christian Emperor from bishops and clergy, mainly for the redress of personal grievances. Commonplace men often fail to see the proportion of things, and to rise to the magnitude of the events in which they play their part. At last Constantine appointed a day for the formal and final reception of all personal complaints, and burnt the `libelli' in the presence of the assembled fathers. He then named a clay by which the bishops were to be ready for a formal decision of the matters in dispute. The way was now open for the leaders to set to work. Quasi-formal meetings were held, Arius and his supporters met the bishops, and the situation began to clear (Soz. i. 17). To their dismay (de Deer. 3) the Arian leaders realised that they could only count on some seventeen supporters out of the entire body of bishops. They would seem to have seriously and honestly underrated the novelty of their own teaching (cf. the letter of Arius in Thdt. i. 5), and to have come to the council with the expectation of victory over the party of Alexander. But they discovered their mistake:- `Sectamur ultro, quos opimus

It seems clear from this account that The Church was never "pro-Arian", nor was the anti-Arian party ever grossly outnumbered, nor ever outnumbered at all. In fact, to summarize, at most it can be argued that perhaps there were large numbers laity swayed to Arianism (in the hundreds perhaps), but as far as the oversight of the church is concerned (Bishops, Deacons, etc.) we saw that even with liberal estimates, the number of pro-Arians was certainly less than 60 clergy (remember, out of 250 Bishops at Nicaea, only 17 were pro-Arian). 60 or so clergy, compared to the thousands of clergy in the church at large, pales in comparison.

Thanks Sweetie.

Posted by jeremy stock at April 26, 2002 05:49 PM